While it is generally believed that the agricultural colonization of the middle Yangzi wetlands began in Tang-Song times, newly discovered texts show that the early Han state administered river dikes in the region. The texts, which were written between 192 and 121 bce, calculate dike sizes in order to estimate corvée requirements for dike maintenance and discuss the area of new farmland to be created. Our picture of the early history of the Yangzi region has been distorted by the northern focus of early texts, but archaeological discoveries are correcting this bias and suggest that the conversion of the Central Yangzi lowlands to farmland began many centuries earlier than previously believed.
On pense en général que la mise en valeur agricole des marais du moyen Yangzi a commencé sous les Tang et les Song. Or, des textes récemment découverts montrent que dès le début des Han l’État administrait des digues dans la région. Rédigés entre 192 et 121 avant notre ère, ces textes contiennent des calculs sur les dimensions des digues servant à évaluer les besoins en travail corvéable pour leur entretien, ainsi que des considérations sur la superficie de nouvelles terres cultivées à ouvrir. Alors que nous nous faisions une image de l’histoire ancienne du bassin du Yangzi déformée par les textes anciens, qui privilégient la Chine du Nord, les découvertes archéologiques remettent les choses en perspective et suggèrent que la mise en valeur des basses terres du moyen Yangzi a démarré de nombreux siècles plus tôt qu’on ne croyait.
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Patrick Dugan, Wetlands in Danger: A World Conservation Atlas (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1993).
Zhongyuan Chen et al., “Dynamic Hydrology and Geomorphology of the Yangtze River,” in Large Rivers: Geomorphology and Management, ed. A. Gupta (Chichester: John Wiley & Sons, 2007), 460; Tong Jiang et al., “Changes in Monthly Precipitation and Flood Hazard in the Yangtze River Basin, China,” International Journal of Climatology 28 (2008): 1471–81.
Rowan K. Flad and Pochan Chen, Ancient Central China: Centers and Peripheries along the Yangzi River (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 2013), 116–25; Zhang Chi, “The Qujialing-Shijiahe Culture,” 510–34.
Lothar von Falkenhausen, Chinese Society in the Age of Confucius (1000–250 bc): The Archaeological Evidence (Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, 2006), 262–88. On earlier periods see Li Feng, Landscape and Power in Early China: The Crisis and Fall of the Western Zhou, 1045–771 bc (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 2006), 322–32; Li Liu and Xingcan Chen, State Formation in Early China (London: Duckworth, 2003), 75–79, 116–26. On the administrative sophistication of the Chu state, see Susan Weld, “Chu Law in Action: Legal Documents from Tomb 2 at Baoshan,” in Defining Chu: Image and Reality in Ancient China, ed. Constance A. Cook and John S. Major (Honolulu: Univ. of Hawai’i Press, 1999), 77–98; Lothar von Falkenhausen, “The E Jun Qi Metal Tallies: Inscribed Texts and Ritual Contexts,” in Text and Ritual in Early China, ed. Martin Kern (Seattle: Univ. of Washington Press, 2005), 79–123.
Hsing I-tien, “Qin-Han Census and Tax and Corvée Administration: Notes on Newly Discovered Texts,” in Birth of an Empire: The State of Qin Revisited, ed. Yuri Pines et al. (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 2013), 155–86; Michael Loewe, “The Records from Yinwan and the Administration of Donghai,” in Loewe, The Men Who Governed Han China: A Companion to A Biographical Dictionary of the Qin, Former Han and Xin Periods (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 38–88; Hubei sheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo, Jiangling Fenghuangshan Xi Han jiandu 江陵鳳凰山西漢墓簡牘 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2012): 49–63; Hunan sheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo, “Yuanling Huxishan yi hao mu fajue jianbao” 沅陵虎西山一;號漢幕發掘簡報, Wenwu 2003.1: 50–54; Jingzhou bowuguan 荊州博物館, “Hubei Jingzhou Jinan Songbai Han mu fajue jianbao” 湖北荊州紀南松柏漢墓發掘簡報, Wenwu 2008.4: 24–32. All but the Yinwan texts come from the middle Yangzi region.
Enno Giele, “Using Early Chinese Manuscripts as Historical Source Materials,” Monumenta Serica 51 (2003): 428–34; Mu-chou Poo, In Search of Personal Welfare: A View of Ancient Chinese Religion (Albany: State Univ. of New York Press, 1998), 167–70. Hsing I-tien, “Qin-Han Census and Tax and Corvée Administration,” 177–78, argues that all texts buried in tombs are replicas, “likely duplicates or excerpts of real official documents used during the tomb occupant’s lifetime.” However, the existence of some texts clearly made for burial (most notably those at Mawangdui) cannot be taken as evidence that all of them are burial goods.
Karine Chemla and Guo Shuchun, Les neuf chapitres: le classique mathématique de la Chine ancienne et ses commentaires (Paris: Dunod, 2004), 135; Joseph W. Dauben, “Suan Shu Shu: A Book on Numbers and Computations; English Translation with Commentary,” Archive for the History of Exact Sciences 62 (2008): 133. The two forms of the graph are interchangeable, the one used in these slips being closer to the version found in Zhou bronze inscriptions. Only the older form is found in these texts, but for convenience I use the modern form in this article.
Yuanyuan Guo et al., “Settlement Distribution and Its Relationship with Environmental Changes from the Paleolithic to Shang—Zhou Period in Liyang Plain, China,” Quaternary International 321 (2014): 29–36; Guojia wenwuju 國家文物局, Zhongguo wenwu dituji: Hunan fence 中國文物地圖集:湖南分册, vol. 1 (Changsha: Hunan ditu chubanshe, 1997), 23.
Peng, “‘Hedi jian’ jiaodu”, 74; Zhangjiashan Han mu zhujian slips 69–70, p. 219. The replacement of one radical by another was very common in early Chinese writing; it is likely that 醴 was changed to 澧.
Hunan sheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo, Lixian Chengtoushan, 164–67.
Mark Edward Lewis, The Flood Myths of Early China (Albany: State Univ. of New York Press, 2006); China and Historical Capitalism: Genealogies of Sinological Knowledge, ed. Timothy Brook and Gregory Blue (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1999), 94–107, 140–47; Karl A. Wittfogel, Oriental Despotism: A Comparative Study of Total Power (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1957). The association between good governance and water control in Chinese political thought is also important for understanding the massive dam-building program in modern China.
On these texts, see Charles Sanft, “Edict of Monthly Ordinances for the Four Seasons in Fifty Articles from 5 ce: Introduction to the Wall Inscriptions Discovered at Xuanquanzhi, with Annotated Translation,” Early China 32 (2008–2009): 153–208. Rickett, Guanzi vol. 2, 110–11, suggests that the Si shi may have come from Chu. The “Yueling” is found in the Lüshi Chunqiu 呂氏春秋, the Huainanzi, and the Li ji 禮記; see John Knoblock and Jeffrey Riegel, The Annals of Lü Buwei: A Complete Translation and Study (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 2000), 96, 174; Liji zhengyi 禮記正義 (Shisanjing zhushu), 15.1363, 16.1373; Huainanzi jishi, 391, 414; Major et al., The Huainanzi, 185, 191.
Needham, Science and Civilisation 4.3, 256, translation modified; Sun, Zhouli zhengyi, 85.3500–01.
Chemla and Guo, Les neuf chapitres, 412–55. Note that 2/111 means “two one-hundred-and-elevenths.”
Yuxin Zhu et al., “Sedimentologic Evidence for Date of Southward Moving of the Yangzi River in the Jianghan Plain Since the Holocene,” Chinese Science Bulletin 23.8 (1998): 659–62.
Peter B. Bayley, “Understanding Large River Floodplain Ecosystems,” BioScience 45.3 (1995): 153–58.
Gary Crawford, “East Asian Plant Domestication,” in Archaeology of Asia, ed. Miriam T. Stark (Oxford: Blackwell, 2006), 78.
Flad and Chen, Ancient Central China, 121–22; Bing Li et al., “Linking the Vicissitude of Neolithic Cities with Mid Holocene Environment and Climate Changes in the Middle Yangtze River, China,” Quaternary International 321 (2014): 22–28; Hunan sheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo, “Hunan Lixian Mengxi Bashidang xinshiqi shidai zaoqi yizhi fajue jianbao” 湖南澧縣夢溪八十壋新石器時代早期遺址發掘簡報, Wenwu 1996.12: 26–39.
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While it is generally believed that the agricultural colonization of the middle Yangzi wetlands began in Tang-Song times, newly discovered texts show that the early Han state administered river dikes in the region. The texts, which were written between 192 and 121 bce, calculate dike sizes in order to estimate corvée requirements for dike maintenance and discuss the area of new farmland to be created. Our picture of the early history of the Yangzi region has been distorted by the northern focus of early texts, but archaeological discoveries are correcting this bias and suggest that the conversion of the Central Yangzi lowlands to farmland began many centuries earlier than previously believed.
On pense en général que la mise en valeur agricole des marais du moyen Yangzi a commencé sous les Tang et les Song. Or, des textes récemment découverts montrent que dès le début des Han l’État administrait des digues dans la région. Rédigés entre 192 et 121 avant notre ère, ces textes contiennent des calculs sur les dimensions des digues servant à évaluer les besoins en travail corvéable pour leur entretien, ainsi que des considérations sur la superficie de nouvelles terres cultivées à ouvrir. Alors que nous nous faisions une image de l’histoire ancienne du bassin du Yangzi déformée par les textes anciens, qui privilégient la Chine du Nord, les découvertes archéologiques remettent les choses en perspective et suggèrent que la mise en valeur des basses terres du moyen Yangzi a démarré de nombreux siècles plus tôt qu’on ne croyait.
All Time | Past 365 days | Past 30 Days | |
---|---|---|---|
Abstract Views | 1005 | 220 | 20 |
Full Text Views | 129 | 5 | 0 |
PDF Views & Downloads | 187 | 15 | 0 |